課程名稱：中國近代史英文論著 課程性質︰系選修 課程教師︰古偉瀛老師 開課學院：文 開課系所︰歷史 考試日期（年月日）︰2009年1月14日 考試時限（分鐘）：100 是否需發放獎勵金：是 （如未明確表示，則不予發放） 試題 : 請譯下面三組文字,並指出其中的精義 一, Over the past two decades,critiques of the Fairbank approach have emerged, most taking issue with the notion of a static East as the passive recipient of stimulus from a dynamic West.This new historiography can be organized under the rubric of what Paul Cohen has termed "China-centered"history(1984:153-155).In contrast to Marx and Fairbank,China-centered historians have delved deeply into Chinese historical archives to locate Chinese agency in dynamic processes of change covering much of China's history(e.g.,Wakeman and Grant 1975).In the case of the period from the first Opium War to the role of indivitual and collective actors from various strata of Chinese society in making the new urban centers of the treaty ports(see relevant articles in Elvin and Skinner 1974;Wakeman and Yeh,1992;Hao 1970,1986;Cochran 1999,2001;Tsin 1999;H.Lu 1999). In many instances,historians have indentified businessmen and entrepreneurs, some with ties to overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia,who competed effectively in a number of spheres with ties to overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia,who competed effectively in a number of spheres with Euroamerican businesses in China.Still others have identified an extended history of Chinese imperialism and colonization in Inner-Asia and in areas along the borders between China and Southeast Asian countries,particularly during the Manchu-led Qing era,and rightly wonder how to deal with this phenomenon in relationto European encroachment in the nineteenth century. This "discovery of history in China" has been an extremely salutary shift, but it has also tended to place Qing China's relations with Western powers into the backgrpund,while the West seems to have become an ever more reified historical agent whose features and characteristic no longer require careful analysis.(30分) 二,It is significant that no matter how imperialistic the intentions of its builders,Manchukuo were not developed as a colony,but as a nation-state.The Manchukuo state urgently sought international and domestic recognition of its sovoreignty even after the League of Nations,following its first,most extensive investigation,determined against Manchukuo's claim .This book is centrally concerned wiht how its claim to sovereignty,derived in large part from its claim to represent the authentic competition among states was expressesd through the forms of nationalism.As such,Manchukuo reflects the persistent and complex relationship that existed between nationalism,imperialism and modernity at at least through the end of World War II. During the inter-war period,older colonial relationships in many parts of the world came tobe shaped by experiments in limited political or electoral representation,nationalist forms,and developmental agendas.But if imperialism had to adjust to the new ideological conditions,nationalism too had to adapt to the territorial imperative that historically drove the competitive and expansionist modern state by devising new political forms embodying the promise of emancipation and development,of emancipation and development,of identity representation and supranational brotherhood.(40分) 三, When we turn our attention to the so-called high cultures or Great Traditions themselves,the quetion of whether they concerned themselves with significant or real question in ultimately a philosophic question,but it also bears most directly on whether traditional modalities of thought,attitudes,and sensbilities derived from the past continue to to affect the outlooks of intellectuals in modernizing and modern societies.One of most facile ways of dismissing the high cultures of the past is to assert that the encompassed a kind of closed symbolic world of concern only to limited.One might make precisely the same observation concerning the culture of academic in our own intellectual media and the language in which they are discussed are more often than not quite inaccessible,even to the literate.In fact,quotations from the Confucian classics were probable more immediately available to the masses in China than passages from George Lukacs,Levi-Strauss,or Herbert Marcuse are to the masses in the West.Yet this observation can hardly be used as way of determining whether Western intellectuals deal with problems of the real world. Given our criteria of relevance,the issues which divided Ch'an Buddhists from Neo-Confucianists in Sung China,or Chu Hsi from Wang Yang-ming,may not appear significant.The fact that their discourses and debates may or may not have found an echo in every village,,however,can by no means be used as a criterion for judging the general human significance and relevance of their preoccupations.(30分) -- ▁▁ ▕科小▏ ▕科狗▏ ￣￣ --

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