https://i.imgur.com/LHmEET5.png 2024/04/20 玉山语言学沙龙 Adversative questions 主讲人：博士候选人Angelika Kiss（University of Toronto, Dep of Linguistics） 与谈人：Prof. Lawrence Cheung（香港中文大学 语言学及现代语言系） 时间：2024/04/20（四）10:00 线上会议（名额有限，请尽早报名，4月16日後将寄发会议连结及资料） 报名网址：https://forms.gle/A3QKuqfAE735a5jW9 Abstract Adversative questions are non-canonical questions that, besides raising an issue, express that the speaker finds the preceding move controversial. Some examples are shown in (1b) and (1c). (1) a. John is Chinese. b. 他哪/怎麽是中国人? (Mandarin) c. Sinds wanneer is hij chinees? (Dutch) since when COP he Chinese 'Since when is he Chinese?" Most accounts analyze the "strongest" use of adversative questions, that is, the use that expresses the negation of their own propositional content. In the case of (lb) and (1c), this would amount to conveying that the speaker does not believe that 'John is Chinese' is true (Hsieh 2001). Cheung (2008, 2009) argues that this is the only interpretation of adversative questions (" negative wh-constructions"), and although they include a variety of question words, their original meaning is bleached in such uses. In this question type, the wh-word is in the scope of an empty answer set morpheme which brings about the negation-like interpretation While this certainly is a most prevalent interpretation of adversative questions, it is not the only one. Kiss (2017) observes that question words in adversative questions are not used interchangeably. In a context that makes the negation of the propositional content of the preceding move infelicitous, questions with 'where' cannot occur. (3) [Context: A says an utterance to B in the tu-form] B: Ma #dove/ da quando mi dai del tu? (Italian) but where since when to me use.tu-form "Since when do you use the ru-form with me?!" In (3), the speaker does not negate that their interlocutor (A) is using the ru-form towards them, they simply express surprise and disapproval. In my talk , I show that at least in a small sample of languages, the surprise reading is only available with question words other than "where". I propose that this asymmetry is due to the fact that the wh-phrases in adversative questions are not (fully) deprived of their canonical meaning, and as such, they can be given a congruent answer (see also Hsieh 2001). The reason behind this is that the question word "where" is not as freely available to modify any kind of proposition as is "since when" or "how": any kind of state of affairs has a starting point in time and a reason, but not necessarily a location. Similarly to Cheung (2008, 2009), I analyze adversative questions as a proposition-denoting sentence to which a wh-phrase is externally merged; and I support this analysis by showing that adversative questions introduce a propositional discourse referent. 主办单位：国立台湾师范大学英语学系、师大玉山计画办公室 --

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